Traveling in the Footsteps of Tocqueville
Random House; translated by Charlotte Mendel
308 pp., $24.95
As the self-proclaimed greatest living French philosopher and “prophet,” and with the chutzpah to compare himself to Alexis de Tocqueville, Jean-Paul Sartre and Jack Kerouac, Bernard-Henri Lévy has a lot to live up to. Instead of doing so, in “American Vertigo: Traveling in the Footsteps of Tocqueville,” (Random House, 308 pp., $24.95, translated by Charlotte Mendel), he presents a textbook demonstration of the adage that those who boast the loudest most often have the least to boast about.
Lévy, a prolific French author-activist, spends his time courting the press, pursuing various causes and relaxing by the pool at his Marrakech palace with his movie-star wife, Arielle Dombasle. The author of some 30 books, Lévy is breathlessly described by his publisher as no less than “France’s leading writer” and by Vanity Fair magazine in a recent profile as a “superman and prophet: We have no equivalent in the United States.”
Excuse me? If this is “France’s leading writer,” then that’s a sad statement indeed for the state of the French Academy.
Lévy was commissioned by the Atlantic Monthly magazine to travel the United States, in an effort to duplicate Alexis de Tocqueville’s own journey, made famous by his 1831 book, “Democracy in America.” De Tocqueville’s thoughtful observations about America and the American democratic experiment are among the most influential political analyses ever written on the subject. The book, in print for more than 150 years, is a classic of political literature and few, if any, foreign writers have ever come close to de Tocqueville’s trenchant observations.
The suggestion that Lévy, the playboy gadfly of the French intellectual set, could “follow in his footsteps” is a dubious concept from the outset, and the actual product proves even worse.
Lévy’s overblown style combines ceaseless name-dropping, merciless redundancy and horrific verbosity in one toxic combination. An editor could have easily reduced this entire volume by some 75 percent without losing a single important thought. Lévy manages, in the introduction, to launch sentences that ramble through villages, streams and forests without punctuation, pause, or even the suggestion of a period for nearly a full page. Whew. Is this mash-up of thoughts supposed to impress the reader or simply beat him or her into submission?
Worse, Lévy has the gall to compare himself, at the outset, with both de Tocqueville and Jack Kerouac. He would have profited mightily by setting his sights just a bit lower. Lévy set out to follow de Tocqueville’s travels and, with a handful of exceptions, followed his path. He devotes short chapters to describing what he found. From the monstrosity of Mount Rushmore to the foggy city of San Francisco, Lévy catalogs a variety of American sights, cities and movements. He devotes an adoring chapter to Seattle, in which he declares that he “loved absolutely everything about Seattle” (although he uncharacteristically manages to convey his thoughts on the subject a pithy three pages). But for all the arm-waving, the author provides precious little political analysis or thoughtful observation about his travels, America after the turn of the millennium, or its status as the world’s only superpower on a lonely nation-building mission to remake the world (or at least parts of it). The book reads more like a compendium of jumbo postcards written by a pompous European observer with a short attention span and an apparently straying intellectual curiosity. Surely, we can do better than this. France arguably laid the very foundation of American democracy — funding the revolution when there were precious few others willing to underwrite such a ragtag collection of rebels; contributing some of the most potent strands of political theory embraced by the revolutionaries; and, half a century later, contributing an astonishingly thoughtful observer, in de Tocqueville, to catalog the American experiment as it unfolded. Unfortunately, however, Lévy’s return engagement fails to provide any fresh insight. Instead, it serves as a rather dramatic reminder (at least for those intrepid enough actually to finish the book) that the value of an idea or an observation is far more often measured by its perceptivity or originality, rather than the lifestyle of its author or the sheer volume of ink used in its printing.
Category: Reviews
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French writer doesn’t live up to his own hype
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Ordinary, yes, and far from heroic
‘Ordinary Heroes’
by Scott Turow
Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 384 pp., $25
Scott Turow, best known for his courtroom thrillers, takes a sharp detour in his new novel, “Ordinary Heroes.” Rather than the typical murder potboiler, Turow offers a complex World War II novel, loosely based on his own father’s wartime experiences.
Famous for his fast-paced murder mysteries with shocking last-minute plot twists and thoughtful narratives, Turow instead offers a sentimental and ill-conceived war novel.
“Ordinary Heroes” traces the efforts of Stewart Dubinsky, a lawyer featured in Turow’s earlier works, as he tries to reconstruct his deceased father’s wartime activities.
Like many a baby boomer sorting through the long-forgotten letters and records of his parents, Turow uncovers secrets from the past, in this case a collection of love letters that reveal his father’s previously unknown court martial and imprisonment.
Dubinsky tracks down the JAG corps lawyer who defended his father, Barrington Leach, now ailing in a nursing home. Improbably, however, Leach still possesses a copy of the records from the court martial.
This alone is enough to make the reader scratch his or her head and wonder what Turow was thinking. Most nursing-home occupants are lucky to keep their own toilet kit, much less obscure legal records from 50 years ago.
In any event, the records contain a handwritten account, by Dubinsky’s father, in which he describes for his lawyer’s benefit the events leading up to his court martial. The account begins as Leach is given the assignment to travel the front lines during the Battle of the Bulge in northern France in search of an OSS officer named Robert Martin.
Martin operated behind the lines, working closely with the French Resistance, but was resented and suspected of treasonous cooperation with the Soviets by General Teedle – a cartoonish and, frankly, clich -
‘La Belle France’: Modern France shaped by historic loss
‘La Belle France: A Short History’
by Alistair Horne
Knopf, 485 pp., $30
There are few countries with a more fascinating history than France. In “La Belle France: A Short History,” Oxford historian Alistair Horne provides a breathtaking tour of French history, from its earliest kings through the Mitterand government of the 1980s.
Starting from Julius Caesar’s division of Gaul, Horne surveys the Crusades; the Dark Ages; the Plague; and endless royal succession, mendacity and extramarital sexual liaisons. Horne, no stranger to his subject, has authored nine prior volumes of French history.
Horne deals with the French Revolution in a single chapter, but then sweeps on. Napoleon Bonaparte rose to power amidst the anarchy of the Revolution. But he fatally invaded Russia in 1812, was forced back, and ultimately surrendered. He was banished to Elba, escaped, returned to power and was defeated at Waterloo, all within the so-called “Hundred Days.” From the Revolution to Waterloo took 25 years – a span of time comparable to that from the election of Ronald Reagan to today.
Internally, the restoration of the monarchy lead to repeated popular uprisings. Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, nephew of Napoleon I, seized control and declared himself “Emperor” but ultimately was defeated by Prussia, which forced a humiliating capitulation by the French at Versailles in 1871.
From there, it was a straight line to World War I, an utter calamity for France, during which she lost 1.3 million men. The United States, by contrast, lost 53,513 men in the entire conflict. Indeed, France lost more men in World War I – by a large margin – than the United States has lost in every war it has ever fought, from the Revolutionary War through the last soldier to die in Iraq, combined.
That’s no criticism of unquestionably brave American soldiers, but for much of the brutal slaughter of the Great War, they were home in Nebraska. How do you measure bravery? By sacrifice? By the willingness to stand and fight against all odds? By the war’s end, France was bereft of an entire generation of young men. That loss – 20 years later – resulted in a shocking disparity in birthrates. By the eve of World War II, four times as many militarily-capable young men were reaching maturity in Germany as in France.
Conventional wisdom would have it that the brutal peace terms dictated by France and her Allies led directly to World War II. But for France, humiliated at Versailles in 1871, this was a settling of debts. Unfortunately, not the last.
Like slow-motion footage, the book slows as it approaches the cataclysm of World War II. The devastated French sought desperately to avoid another war but devoted their attention to eastern fortifications and social unrest, rather than military preparations. The Germans, by contrast, quietly built a powerful war machine and lulled the West to sleep. When ready, Hitler sidestepped the French Maginot line and punched a 60-mile-wide hole through the French defenses, moving with astonishing speed. It was over before it began, with the French losing more than 300,000 men in the first six weeks alone.
The Germans were strictly instructed to be extremely courteous in occupied Paris, and it was only after they consolidated control that neighbors living near 74 Avenue Foch, where the Gestapo settled, were kept awake at night by the screaming from the interrogation rooms.
Some things are understood best from a great distance. French resistance to more recent calls to arms must be seen through the prism of its bloody history, and particularly its staggering losses of the last 100 years. As Santayana famously remarked, “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it. -
‘Restless Sleep’: Detectives on trail of murders gone cold
‘The Restless Sleep: Inside New York City’s Cold Case Squad’
by Stacy Horn
Viking, 320 pp., $24.95
Murder is different from all other crimes. The crime of murder is so abhorrent that there is no time limitation on murder prosecution. Even 50 years after a killing, a murderer – if he or she is caught – can still be tried, sentenced and convicted. But, unfortunately, the catching is often the hard part. There are thousands of murder cases in New York City that go cold, remain unsolved and are pushed into the far corners of dusty evidence rooms.
The problem is that if a murder is not solved within the first few days, the chances are good that it never will be solved. As time passes on, memory fades, evidence disappears and the trail, if one existed, evaporates. As new cases pile up, demanding attention, the older unsolved cases get pushed aside and, eventually, forgotten.
New York City tackled this problem by creating a elite team of detectives with the responsibility for chasing such “cold cases.” In “The Restless Sleep: Inside New York City’s Cold Case Squad,” Stacy Horn tells the story of the Cold Case and Apprehension Squad, its formation and a handful of its successes.
In New York, since 1985 alone, there are 8,894 unsolved murders. That’s 444 murders a year; 37 a month; more than one every day. These are awful, brutal crimes for which the perpetrators remain entirely free.
Horn tells the story of four of these cases, from the crime to its resolution, years later. These are not delicate stories. Linda Leon and Esteban Martinez, for example, were murdered just 10 days before Christmas in 1996. They had been brutally tortured and then murdered while their three young children huddled in another room, distracted by an accomplice.
Police officer Ronald Stapleton died in early 1978 after he stumbled onto the scene of a robbery in progress while off duty. Beaten so badly he could hardly move, he was shot with his own gun and then his eye was torn from its socket with a meat hook. Christine Diefenbach died early the morning of Feb. 7, 1988, just 14 years old at the time. She was fetching milk for her family but was found hours later, dead, at the top of a small hill near railroad tracks.
Some of these cases are even older. Jean Sanseverino was 26 years old on March 8, 1951, when she was found strangled. When the cold case squad tackled the case, the file had not been opened for 20 years.
In every case, the original homicide detectives ran into a wall during the original investigation. Leads failed to pan out. Witnesses dispersed or failed to remember key facts. For a million reasons, or none at all, the crime simply couldn’t be solved.
But then the cold case squad, a curious group of part-historian detectives, began poring through the notes, re-examining the evidence and re-interviewing witnesses, searching for what all of the detectives before had missed. And surprisingly, in at least these four cases, they resolved the murders, found the murderers and – decades after the bad guys thought that they had gotten away with it – slapped the cuffs on them.
It’s satisfying, but of course only scratches the surface. For all of its success, the squad has barely dented the backlog. And for each of these success stories, there are hundreds of other cases that remain cold and unsolved.
“The Restless Sleep” tells an interesting story but is unfortunately flawed by Horn’s tough-guy approach to her writing style. At times thoughtful and lively, the book is too often marred by breathless first-person narratives or the grunting vernacular of street cops.
Horn provides a short statistical summary of homicide rates and case resolution, but provides precious little comment on the very phenomenon she describes. Why so many unsolved murders? Why such limited success? These are compelling, even stunning, success stories, but how can we capitalize on this success? Like the murders themselves, those mysteries are left cold and unsolved by this otherwise entertaining true crime expos -
‘Franklin, France, and the Birth of America’: Revolutionary ideas, charm
‘A Great Improvisation: Franklin, France, and the Birth of America’
by Stacy Schiff
Henry Holt, 489 pp., $30
In December 1776, a decidedly seasick 70-year-old Benjamin Franklin arrived in France, seeking financial and military support for his embattled new country. During the seven years he served as the American representative in Paris, Franklin proved a masterful diplomat, manipulating the tangled European political scene to achieve what, from a distance, appears an improbable outcome: the massive support for a republic founded on democratic principles from one of the strongest monarchies in Europe.
In “A Great Improvisation: Franklin, France, and the Birth of America,” Stacy Schiff recounts the story of Franklin’s time in Paris. A Pulitzer Prize winner (for “Véra,” a biography of Mrs. Vladimir Nabokov), Schiff poured through diplomatic archives, family papers and even spy reports to reveal insights into this little-known chapter in Franklin’s life.
At the time of Franklin’s arrival in Paris, the newly declared American republic was recognized by no other countries, had few financial resources and no military allies, and was attempting to win its independence from one of the most formidable, well-armed and well-financed military powers in existence. Its citizen army was poorly equipped, on the run and suffering one defeat after another, retreating even from major metropolitan centers. To say that the colonial revolutionaries faced an uphill battle is an understatement.
Franklin’s purpose was to secure French military and economic support for the revolution. France sought to undermine England’s hegemony over North America and to support its own designs on that continent. England sought to crush the revolution and keep the French from meddling in what it considered “internal” disputes within the British empire.
Franklin deftly played one side off the other — holding out the possibility of a negotiated settlement to the British on the one hand, while cajoling a series of enormous loans, grants and military support from the French on the other. And he was spectacularly successful: During the first year of the revolution, 90 percent of the gunpowder came from France. Millions of dollars in economic aid, military uniforms and French volunteers poured across the Atlantic to support the cause. The battle of Yorktown was not only fought by brave American patriots, but also by the combined American and French armies, where the victory cry was equally “God and Liberty!” and “Vive le Roi!” The French population became passionately pro-American in what, in retrospect, plainly presaged the French Revolution itself.
When he arrived, Franklin was already well known and widely respected by the French. His unannounced arrival caused an uproar of well-wishers trodding the path to his door, and he quickly won over the Parisian population with his charm.
But even from the outset, the French-American relationship was strained in ways that continue to this day. First, cultural differences between the two countries were stark. As Schiff notes, in American society, a young lady could properly flirt until marriage, but never thereafter. The roles were almost precisely reversed in pre-Revolutionary France, where flirtation among married women was elevated to a near art form. Franklin excelled at the art and had numerous relationships (in his 70s) with a variety of French women. Moreover, class standing played a central role in defining one’s role in pre-Revolutionary France, and many French were puzzled by Franklin, a mere printer by trade, who rose to prominence on the strength of his scientific and diplomatic accomplishments.
But for all the power of the story, the biography suffers from stilted, awkward writing, almost as if written in French, or perhaps German, and then poorly translated to English. More than once, a reader is forced to reread a sentence two or three times before comprehending what Schiff was attempting to communicate. The editor here was plainly missing in action and the book suffers as a result.
Still, the story rises above even this flaw, and has special relevance today, in an era of “Freedom Fries” and blatant anti-French sentiment. Franklin, who embraced — and was embraced by — the French, recognized that, without French support, the American Republic would have quickly vanished without a trace under the bootheels of the British regular troops. Perhaps it is a timely reminder that, despite passing political trends, the bonds between America and France were forged from the outset of the Republic and can withstand even today’s unfortunate political posturing and sloganeering. For, indeed, without France, there would have been no America at all. -
‘Moscow 1812’: An overture to massive wars of modern times
‘Moscow 1812: Napoleon’s Fatal March’
by Adam Zamoyski
HarperCollins, 672 pp., $29.95
Napoleon’s 1812 invasion of Russia ranks as one of the greatest military disasters in history. The story has been told countless times and inspired Tolstoy’s “War and Peace” and Tchaikovsky’s “1812 Overture.”
But, according to “Moscow 1812: Napoleon’s Fatal March,” much of that history has been politically distorted. Author Adam Zamoyski strives to set the record straight with an objective and comprehensive account of the ill-fated invasion. And what a story it is.
At war with England, Napoleonic France controlled virtually all of Europe, spreading the subversive egalitarianism of the French Revolution and the civilizing Napoleonic Code.
Russia, in 1812, could hardly have been more different. Controlled by Czar Alexander, Russia was a backward, feudal country whose leaders were threatened equally by foreign armies and peasant uprisings. Although allied with Napoleon, French trade restrictions devastated the Russian economy, forcing Alexander to confront Napoleon or face mounting discontent at home.
Napoleon had nothing to gain from invading Russia but felt compelled to teach it – and his many “allies” – a lesson. The midsummer invasion force was the largest army ever mustered. The French army, used to foraging for food and supplies, found precious little in the Russian countryside. Dysentery, starvation and dehydration wreaked havoc before the first shot was fired.
Although Soviet historians have characterized the Russian retreat as a clever strategic trap, Zamoyski painstakingly documents the incompetence of the Russians and their terror at facing the French. Indeed, the Russians retreated until forced to fight at Smolensk and Borodino, where 70,000 were slaughtered. It was a record that would not be matched for 100 years – until the Battle of Somme in 1916.
Napoleon continued his advance, forcing the Russians to surrender Moscow itself. On foot and horseback, Napoleon’s invasion force got further than Hitler’s mechanized war machine over a century later, but it had no greater success. Moscow harbored neither the czar nor his government and, indeed, was burned by the Russians themselves, leaving Napoleon a hollow victory. By any fair measure, he had won – prevailed in every battle, controlled sections of the country and seized the capital city. But the Russians refused to surrender, leaving Napoleon to ponder his circumstances as winter stealthily approached.
As late as the end of October, Napoleon ridiculed the Russian winter as a myth used to scare small children. Within days, the temperature had dropped below zero, the snow had begun to fall, and his error was manifest.
The retreat was almost unfathomably brutal. The French troops had no winter uniforms, and what clothing and boots they had were in tatters. With little food and burdened with looted Russian treasure, the retreat passed through lands already stripped clean of nourishment. And the temperature continued an inexorable fall, ultimately reaching 35 below zero Fahrenheit.
The starving men turned frantic – cutting chunks of meat off the back legs of living horses (the dead ones were too deeply frozen to cut). The horses, nearly frozen themselves, hardly noticed. The temperature was an implacable foe. Those who slept often never awoke. Soldiers were observed frozen in place standing, sitting or lying by fires. The Russian army, meanwhile, bungled several opportunities to destroy the French army. Napoleon was nearly caught at the River Berezina, which was held by Russians on both banks and circled by troops to his rear.
Napoleon sent a diversionary force south, then headed north where 400 Dutch pontooneers worked through the night to build two bridges over the river. Standing chest deep in icy water, dodging 2-meter chunks of ice, they worked as Napoleon sat on horseback and watched them die – and make progress. Although only eight of the pontooneers returned home, the bridges were completed and the French survived.
Of the more than 600,000 French soldiers who crossed into Russia, barely 150,000 made it out alive. About 160,000 horses perished during the invasion. Counting Russian losses, nearly 1 million people died during the course of the six-month invasion.
With Napoleon in retreat, the Russians followed and, just over a year later, occupied Paris. Napoleon was eventually overthrown and exiled to Alba. Although he returned, he was ultimately defeated by the British at Waterloo and exiled to St. Helena for the remainder of his life.
But the consequences of the 1812 invasion lived on. It is difficult to grasp the extent to which our world today has been shaped by the invasion and its failure. Napoleon’s disaster emboldened Russia to extend its reach into Europe and solidified German nationalism and militarism, with devastating consequences in the following century.
This is a towering history – a thoroughly enjoyable read that is worthy of the monumental scope of its subject. Zamoyski’s writing is vivid and, perhaps more important, he knows when to let his sources speak for themselves.
If one can complain, it is simply that Zamoyski gives short shrift to the consequences and enduring legacy of the 1812 invasion and its very real impact on the political geography of today.
When Napoleon died in 1840, his body was returned to Paris, where it awaited burial. In honor of the 1812 invasion, 400 veterans silently, but eloquently, saluted their fallen leader – by spending the night on the ground around the casket as the temperature plunged to below zero. -
Memoirs of a Breton Peasant’ Countryside to battlefield: a French peasant’s life
‘Memoirs of a Breton Peasant’
by Jean-Marie Dguignet, translated by Linda Asher
Seven Stories, 431 pp., $27.95
Jean-Marie D -
New biography of William Clark exposes his involvement in the displacement of Native Americans
‘William Clark and the Shaping of the West’
by Landon Y. Jones
Hill and Wang, 394 pp., $25
There are few more revered figures in American history than William Clark and Meriwether Lewis, explorers of the American West. Although Lewis died within three years of his return from the Lewis and Clark expedition, Clark lived a long life in military service to the United States. In “William Clark and the Shaping of the West,” Landon Jones delivers a revealing portrait of Clark’s entire life, not just the famous journey.
Jones, a former managing editor at People magazine and contributor to Life, Time and Money, is on the board of the National Council of the Lewis & Clark Bicentennial. But his fascination for the expedition notwithstanding, Jones’ work is an unflinching and frankly unflattering portrait of a beloved American hero.
Clark was born in 1770 and was raised in a country still struggling with its newfound independence. Joining the American military when he was just 19, Clark served the federal government for several decades, securing outposts in the West, leading men into the wilderness and, above all, fighting the Indians.
Jones’ masterful biography brings to life the gritty and brutal existence of life on the American frontier. Arriving pioneers found fertile land abounded as they pushed westward, but with the land came the Native American tribes who resented the arrival of white settlers, particularly when it was “guaranteed” by earlier treaties that the settlers refrain from further encroachment. The weak national government was unable to control the settlers, who moved far beyond treaty-established boundaries. When the inevitable hostilities arose, it was the Indians who were blamed as “savages” and were attacked by the military – including at times Clark himself – and then guaranteed peace only in exchange for land and resettlement further west.
The story, familiar as it is, is difficult to read without disgust. Jones’ narrative is superb at bringing the conflict to life: American soldiers digging up Indian corpses to scalp or burn them, pregnant Indian women hung and mutilated, and enormous fields of Indian corn burned to starve the tribes into submission (the same tactic used by the British during the Revolutionary War and decried as “barbaric” by the colonies). While Jones does not attribute any of these incidents to Clark himself, Clark plainly was deeply involved in the conflict throughout his military career and could not have been unaware of them. To modern Americans, it seems almost absurd to question that the young United States would bridge the continent. But, from Clark’s perspective, the outcome was far from certain. French, English and Spanish armies maneuvered and manipulated Native American tribes, shifting alliances to balance power in the unsettled West.
Clark was 33 years old when he was invited by Meriwether Lewis to join him on an expedition to explore the Western interior. The Lewis and Clark expedition has been the subject of scores of books, but Jones manages to cover it in a brisk 30 pages, drawing heavily from the expedition’s journals and correspondence.
Upon his return from the expedition, Clark married 15-year-old Julia Hancock, was appointed principal Indian agent for the U.S. government and settled in the former French city of St. Louis. In his remaining years, Clark acted as the federal representative in negotiating countless treaties with vanishing Native American tribes as they were pushed inexorably westward and toward oblivion.
In 1831, a band of Sauks attempted to return to their tribal homeland on the east bank of the Mississippi in what is now Illinois. As the conflict escalated, the Sauks tried to escape back west but, unable to negotiate peace terms because the pursuing Americans had no interpreters, the Sauks “put up little resistance, as most were attempting to find shelter or help the women and children scramble across the river’s mud flats and small islands. … The carnage was terrible; men, women, and children were shot indiscriminately, and their blood-streaked bodies floated downriver.”
The few who escaped were hunted and killed. Clark – at the time the Indian superintendent for the West – was delighted to hear the “glorious news.”
Clark died in 1838 at age 68. He outlived Lewis by more than 29 years. By the time of his death, Clark had personally signed 37 separate Indian treaties, more than anyone in American history, and supervised the removal of 81,282 Indians from the East. As Clark lay dying, the U.S. Army began moving the 17,000 Cherokee Indians west, on a thousand-mile forced march known as the “Trail of Tears.” Four thousand of them died. It was the culmination of a process started, facilitated and enforced by William Clark.
Clark’s many contributions, including the Lewis and Clark expedition itself, will not soon be forgotten. But this thoughtful biography suggests that Clark’s entire life was a more complex, and decidedly less heroic, affair. -
A formidable woman and diplomat
President Clinton visited Seattle a couple of years ago after leaving the White House, and he addressed an overflow lunch crowd jamming the Westin Ballroom. As he surveyed the world’s troubles and how America should respond, the contrast between his approach and that of the new Bush administration could not have been more stark. Reading former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright’s just-published memoirs, “Madam Secretary” (Miramax, $27.95), brings much the same thought to mind – how far we’ve traveled from working with NATO and the U.N. to address Bosnia and Kosovo, to working around our closest NATO allies and the U.N. to address Iraq.
Madeleine Albright’s life could hardly have been more interesting. Her father was a Czech diplomat and, when the Nazis invaded, Albright’s family escaped on a night train out of Prague. Her father worked in London with exiled Czech President Edvard Bene{scaron}, and then in Prague after the war, until the Communists ousted the democratically-elected leadership. Albright’s father secured a posting to the United Nations in New York, representing Czechoslovakia, but worked behind the scenes to secure refugee status.
After leaving government service, Albright’s father took up teaching, and the family resettled into suburban American life. Madeleine met her future husband, Joe Albright, at Wellesley College, and her marriage brought her wealth (his uncle was Harry Guggenheim) and powerful family connections. Albright became an American citizen, raised three children and simultaneously secured her Ph.D. from Columbia University’s prestigious Russian Institute.
With her degree, Albright worked for U.S. Sen. Edmund Muskie and was later invited to join the staff of the National Security Council by her former college professor Zbigniew Brzezinski (who had been selected to be President Carter’s national security adviser). With President Carter’s defeat in 1980, Albright returned to academia and worked on successive presidential campaigns.
When President Clinton was elected, Albright served first as the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations and, in the second term, as secretary of state. Shortly after her confirmation, news stories surfaced revealing Albright’s Jewish ancestry. Albright achingly writes of her heartbreak at discovering the fate of three of her grandparents in Nazi concentration camps, their names etched in the wall of a synagogue in Prague that she had visited.
Albright’s writing is smooth, captivating and thoughtful. The book provides a sweeping overview of foreign crises during the entire eight-year term of the Clinton presidency, with fascinating behind-the-scenes glimpses into personal encounters with world leaders from across the globe. From Iraq to Bosnia, the tangle of Middle East politics, the slaughter in Kosovo, her management of the relationships with NATO allies, and her visit to North Korea, her story is a short course in near-term world history. Much of it is familiar, but it’s refreshing to review how differently America responded to international challenges just a few short years ago: Albright sought to contain the Iraqi threat with international sanctions and inspections rather than outright war. She responded to North Korea’s nuclear ambitions with containment and engagement. And she used NATO air strikes – working with then-NATO Supreme Allied Commander Wesley Clark – to bring Slobodan Milosevic to justice when many said that air strikes alone would never resolve the issue.
But far more interesting are Albright’s personal reflections on her appointment as the highest-ranking woman ever to serve in the U.S. government. Her insights into the unique challenges posed to a woman serving in a largely male environment are entertaining. At the end of one dinner, for example, she realized that she had spilled some salad dressing on her skirt – a spill that would never have been noticed on a man’s dark suit. For the after-dinner group photo, she turned the skirt around to conceal the stain. She dryly comments: “Not a move with which Henry Kissinger could have gotten away.”
But, for all its thoughtful discussion of foreign relations and international intrigue, the book is surprisingly silent about the single most defining event of the Clinton presidency: his impeachment and trial before the Senate. Albright devotes a handful of paragraphs to the scandal and mentions in passing the president’s apology to his cabinet for misleading them. But future historians will be left wondering about the impact of the impeachment and trial of a sitting president on the foreign relations of the country.
Even with this rather dramatic omission, Albright’s memoirs are a fascinating review of recent American history, a compelling insight into foreign relations up close and personal, and a stirring reminder of the power of diplomacy in achieving peace in a troubled world. -
A historian makes a case for imperialism
‘Empire: The Rise and Demise of the British World Order and the Lessons for Global Power’
by Niall Ferguson
Basic Books, $35
At its height, the British Empire governed nearly a quarter of the world’s population and dominated every ocean on Earth, all from a relatively tiny set of rain-swept islands off the coast of Europe. The British, so goes conventional thinking, settled – and then lost – its American colonies, ruled India, established a prison population in Australia, mapped the depths of Africa and played a key role in perpetuating slavery. The British Empire disintegrated after World War II, unable to muster the will or cash to fund the enterprise, and is now commonly viewed as an anti-democratic exploiter of Third World colonies, one that left ruin in its wake.
In “Empire,” British upstart historian Niall Ferguson begs to differ. Ferguson argues that the British Empire in fact offered incalculable benefits to the world and to its colonies. Ferguson, a Research Fellow at Oxford and a New York University professor, makes no apologies for challenging the politically correct view of the British Empire.
At the outset, Ferguson acknowledges the British Empire’s sins but argues that it in fact exported a great deal that was worthwhile. Democratic principles, the free flow of capital, labor and technology, and stable governments all followed British colonialization. Ferguson argues that British interference with local customs was sometimes warranted, even if imposed from without. Widow burning in India, he writes, should have been outlawed, even if it was a long-settled part of local practice.
In 350 pages, richly illustrated with tables, graphs and maps, Ferguson provides a whirlwind historical tour of the . From English slave traders to South African revolts, from David Livingston’s bushwhacking in Africa to the ungrateful American colonies, he provides a fascinating short course on colonial history complete with pith helmets, red coats and stiff upper lips.
The British imposed a system of government on its colonies that protected private property, imposed a functioning legal system, and provided stable and honest government, allowing the countries to develop within a framework that scarcely would have been possible without direct British intervention. Countries that were once British colonies had a significantly better chance of achieving enduring democratization after independence than those ruled by other countries or left to their own fate.
Ferguson argues that the evidence simply overwhelms any contention that the British Empire impoverished its colonies. In fact, he argues, although many former colonies remain desperately poor, the real disparity has only emerged since they achieved independence from Britain. And the list of the world’s stable democracies reads like a virtual catalog of former British colonies: the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and India, just to name a few.
Ferguson’s writing is engaging, thought-provoking and – at times – frankly outrageous. His condensed history is a challenge to the United States, reminiscent of one issued more than 100 years ago by Rudyard Kipling on the occasion of the Philippine-American war, a demand to the U.S. to shoulder its imperial responsibilities (in rather famously inappropriate language): “Take up the White Man’s Burden, And reap his old reward; The blame of those ye better, the hate of those ye guard… “
Like it or not, he argues, the United States stands alone in the world as a superpower. The United States today is vastly wealthier relative to the rest of the world than Britain ever was; the U.S. economy is larger than that of the next four nations (Japan, Germany, France and Britain) combined. American power already makes it an empire whether it wants the role or not. The American problem, he argues, is its own reluctance to export its people, capital and culture throughout the world to those “backward regions” where, he argues, it is desperately needed and, if ignored, will breed the greatest threats to global security.
Although carefully argued in scholarly prose, Ferguson’s point could hardly be more inflammatory in a world embittered by American unilateral action in Iraq. Most of the European Union, a large segment of the American population and virtually all of the Arab world are rather unlikely to conclude that the world needs more aggressive American intervention rather than less.
And Ferguson fails to address a key point in the debate over America’s foreign policy: whether American power is best exercised through the international institutions that the United States itself created and nurtured through the postwar era or through unilateral military action.
That’s the real argument that today has engaged editorial pages from Paris to Washington, is likely to define the coming election and will shape the coming era as it unfolds. Unfortunately Ferguson, in his rush to draw lessons for the Americans in how to run the world like the British once did, overlooks that debate altogether.